The caste system has been viewed by many Indian reformers as an obscurantist by-product of an ancient and spiritual way of life; a religious and cultural tradition that confines people to rigid class and caste roles. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on 'Why violent video games should not be banned'? Get the original essay India's political elite has long recognized the harmful socio-economic consequences of the caste system and, after independence, has sought to prohibit its practices, in particular that of “untouchability”. However, such a deeply rooted social and cultural phenomenon has proven exceptionally resilient to the legislative process. Despite heavy fines and jail terms for those who discriminate against their fellow citizens, the pitfalls of the caste system are still prevalent across India. However, there are signs that the caste system is finally giving way under the increasing pressure of prosperity and the process of Westernization. The commercial demands of global capitalism, complemented by Western notions of rationalism, liberalism and individualism, are challenging and changing some of the caste systems. central tenets of classical Hinduism and, by association, the very nature of Indian society. As might be expected, these changes are most notable around large industrial centers with a ripple effect that gradually encompasses surrounding towns and villages. Given this, the question arises whether this means the end of the caste system and, if so, is it necessarily a social revolution that must be welcomed wholeheartedly? In this article, we will briefly introduce the structure of the caste system and then look at various examples of how the caste system works in modern India. These studies will allow us to draw certain conclusions as to whether the caste system is in terminal decline or whether it is simply adapting to the rigors of industrial society. Hinduism and Caste According to the Hindu doctrine of Creation, human beings belonged to a hierarchical order of four social categories (Chaturvarnas) based on a professional division of labor. The Brahmins who came from the mouth of the Creator were entrusted with the task of looking after the spiritual well-being of society; they were priests and teachers. The Kshatriyas who emerged from the hands of the creator were believed to physically maintain and protect the society and therefore became the rulers and administrators. The Vaishyas come from the thighs of the creator. Their task was therefore to materially support society; they were the accredited producers of wealth. The Shudras, who emerged from the feet of the creator, were entrusted with the task of serving the three upper Varnas. (Oommen p.69) These Varnas were only broad classifications; Within each classification there would exist hundreds, if not thousands, of subtle caste and sub-caste variations (jatis), leading to the possibility for a caste to increase its intra-varna status through strict adherence to Brahmanical rituals. Moreover, while there existed strict pollution/impurity taboos between Varnas, castes and sub-castes; allowing certain sub-castes to be inherently polluted both morally and physically and, by extension, making it impossible for them to touch or approach members of higher castes or varnas, there was/is intense interdependence between these groups. The division of labor was so strict, so elaborate, and so specialized that each of these groups allowed the other to function. In fact, withoutthese arrangements, which interweave economic and ritual relations between castes and have been called the Jajmani system, would not have worked in Hindu society at all. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, it should be noted that there existed outside this chatuvarna system a social group that had neither class nor status: these were the excluded or the untouchables; which, at one point, made up almost a fifth of the Hindu population; existing at the very margins of society and performing the most menial and humiliating tasks. One might wonder why such a rigid and unequal pyramid hierarchy, with Brahmins at the top and Shudras at the bottom, remained intact for so long? The answer to this question lies in the belief in the transmigration of souls, or reincarnation. The Hindu belief in reincarnation is accepted by all sects and philosophical schools of Hinduism as self-evident. On a human level, this means that what a man is in this life has been determined by his conduct in previous lives. Likewise, his conduct in this life will determine the kind of life he will lead in his next existence. (Ling p.28) Therefore, one gains one's position in the hierarchy of Varna through the process of one's actions (karma) in life. If actions are in accordance with one's varnashrama dharma (class/life duty), one acquires merit; if one deviates from it, one accumulates demerit. If merit exceeds demerit, one is reborn with a higher position in life; conversely, if one's merit exceeds one's merit, one is reborn with a lower status. (Oomen p.71) Thus, a Shudra can be reborn either as a Brahmin or as a monkey; depending on how he lived his life. Of course, the ultimate goal of a Hindu is to free oneself from the endless cycle of births and rebirths (Mukti) by fulfilling one's dharma without any expectation of reward - action without desires. But the important point here is the widely held belief that a person's actions (karma) in this life can impact their rebirth in the next life: "a moral cause and effect that operates automatically and externally in everything the universe.” (Ling p.27) So far we have established that the caste system was/is the socio-economic edifice on which Hinduism is based. And this adherence or non-adherence to the principles and duties of the class/caste system dictates one's reincarnation in the next life. Once these concepts are established, it becomes clear why the caste system has been so resistant to change. However, the last hundred and fifty years have been marked by determined attempts by various prominent Hindus, such as Ram Mohan Roy, Ramakrishna and Mahatma Ghandi; improving and degrading the social framework of caste in its relationship with Hinduism. Along with the penetration of Western ideas and techniques, this resulted in a notable weakening of caste practice and respect. This phenomenon is illustrated by comparing three case studies of village societies during the post-independence period, when moderation and pressure for change were strongest. Modern Society and the Caste System As mentioned above, the 19th century marked the beginning of an era of intense scrutiny and re-evaluation of the Hindu faith by many of India's greatest scholars of the 'era. This “Hindi Renaissance,” as it was called, was a denial of its formal identity and a reaffirmation of its spiritual essence. These reformers, under the onslaught of Western secular thought and religious example, became the visible embodiment of a new awakened Hinduism - awakened by Christianity and by government agencies in thesocial concern for the sick and the needy in particular, but also awakened to the need for a religion of tolerance and charity. (Ling p. 370) This reassessment of Hinduism was prepared by the reform movements of the 19th century, but only reached and touched the hearts of the entire Indian people after the emergence of Mahatma Ghandi as preeminent Hindu spiritual leader. "For it was he who lent his immense prestige to the assault against what all that was best in India had felt for centuries like a cancer at the very heart of their religion, the caste system - itself and its ugly corollary, the creation of a disenfranchised religious proletariat, the excluded or the untouchables (Zaehner p.8) It must, however, be emphasized that this liberal revolution, which attempted to bring Hinduism back into the 20th century. century while retaining the spiritual essence of the religion without the social artifices did not go unchallenged; after all, it was an orthodox Hindu who brought down Gandhi, the great reformer. The spread of new ideas and new ways of life has been slow and painful progress. In the 1960s, Bharati asserted that in his view, before the vast majority of Indians could "modernize", they must first become themselves. submit to the process of Sanskritization. This concept of sankritization involves adherence to certain forms of traditional behavior embodied in the Sanskrit language, its hieratic literature, and the centuries-old practices associated with it. A simple example of this process can be seen in a southern tanner caste. India. If such a group seeks to become more acceptable and respectable in the eyes of surrounding Hindus, its leaders must decree and successfully implement the omission of professional and ritual acts which, in the broader Hindu context, are considered defilement. This could be, for example, a decree prohibiting the remarriage of widows, or a change in dietary habits, such as those linked to the consumption of meat, or a change in the worship of deities which have not been no ideological link with the pantheon. Sanskrit deities. (Bharati p.70) Furthermore, Bharati points out that literally hundreds of tribal and other low-caste groups did not traditionally employ Brahmin priests for their wedding and funeral ceremonies; but during their modernization, they went through a phase of Sanskritization, that is to say the acceptance of the Brahmin and his rituals as an instrument in the performance of rites of passage and other ceremonial observances. If this hypothesis were to be credible, it meant that the majority of rural India would first seek to improve their status by setting aside their traditional devotion to Bhakti cults and begin the process of modernization by adopting orthodox Hindu practices. Thus reinforcing the caste system. just when you would expect it to collapse. Although one can see the merit and logic of such a position; this author would suggest that Bharati underestimated the pace and power of modernization and overestimated the attractions of tradition. The work of American anthropologist Kathleen Gough paints a much more complete picture. An investigation into village life in a traditionally strong Hindu region - Tanjore, in southern India - led Gough to conclude that the social and economic structure of caste was already beginning to break down: "It is clear that in general, the social structure of the village of Tanjore is changing from a relatively closed and stationary system, with a feudal economy and cooperation between classified castes according to modalities prescribed by religious law, to an evolving system.