Table of contentsSummaryIntroductionA brief historical backgroundRelations after the end of the Cold WarDevelopments in the post-Cold WarForthcoming challenges: the China factorThe importance of Tajikistan for RussiaConclusionReferencesSummaryFor Russia, Tajikistan is one of the most strategically located countries regarding its security. Furthermore, while it borders China and is close to one of the most war-torn regions in the world, it became important for Russia to reshape its foreign policy after the end of the Cold War. With this in mind, this article offers an explanation of contemporary Russian policy towards Tajikistan. It analyzes relations between the two states of the former USSR, Russia and Tajikistan, from 1991 to the present, with an emphasis on Russian foreign policy and interests. The document also highlights the need for Tajikistan for Russia in the current world order, where China is taking an assertive form in the region and the terrorist threat is at the core. Finally, it addresses the need and prospects for cooperation between Russia and Tajikistan. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why violent video games should not be banned”?Get the original essayIntroductionTajikistan is a small country located in what might be called the geophysical center of the Asian landmass. It is bordered by Afghanistan to the south, by the Chinese province of Xinjiang to the east and by “Soviet Central Asia” to the west and north. Tajikistan is at the conjecture of several religions, languages ​​and cultures. Tajikistan is culturally very distant from Russia. The predominant native language is Tajik, which is a variant of Farsi and has cultural ties that connect it more directly to the Middle East and Western Asia than to Moscow and Europe. Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, Tajikistan has experienced economic, civil and war upheaval and post-war political, economic and social decadence. In a short time, Tajikistan went from being a middle-income country to one of the poorest countries in the world. During this same period, Russia maintained a substantial, continuous and costly military and diplomatic presence in Tajikistan. Tajikistan shares no common border with Russia. There is little in Tajikistan that has commercial value for Russia. So what explains Russia's continued presence in Tajikistan? Why has Tajikistan always been one of Russia's closest friends and a pro-Russian country throughout the Soviet period and post-Cold War era? These substantial questions will be resolved in the following sections.A Brief Historical BackgroundIn recent centuries, political control of the Central Asian territories has been divided between three competing powers: the Persian Safavis, the various Uzbek khanates, and the Indian Mughal dynasty. Later, as British influence over Central Asia increased from the south, Russian territorial expansion in Central Asia increased from the north. Russia took possession of a large part of Uzbek lands and the British occupied the previous position of the Indian Mughals. The region east of Tajikistan, or East Turkestan, came under the control of the Qing dynasty in 1759. As Russian territorial expansion in Central Asia increased from the north, so did British expansion from the south. China reconquered East Turkestan and renamed the region the New Territories or Xinjiang. After the collapse of the Tsarist Empire, the Russians re-embarked to Central Asia toextend the communist regime. In 1918, the northernmost regions of Central Asia were included within the borders of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. After communist political consolidation in Central Asia, land reform took place in Central Asia in 1924, which established new administrative boundaries. The Tajik Autonomous Region was initially included in the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. After five years, Tajikistan became a Soviet Socialist Republic. Relations after the end of the Cold War After the August 1991 coup attempt in Moscow, Central Asian countries quickly reoriented themselves and assumed separate and independent rule. It was a watershed moment for Russian foreign policy makers. Should Russia's influence in the post-Soviet world be identified with the borders of the former USSR or should new spheres of influence be drawn? Russian policymakers relied on the former. Russia stressed that the first priority of Russian diplomacy would be the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States, an organization that it said would allow Russia to continue to influence Eurasia in general, but particularly in Central Asia, where states were seen as economically dependent on Russia. and militarily. Russia agreed to maintain Russian peacekeeping forces in Tajikistan in April 1993. As the war in Tajikistan unfolded, Russia maintained a balance between its goals of maintaining peace and stability and its interest in long term for the sensitive mountain passes of Central Asia. Russia publicly stated that it could achieve this by remaining neutral throughout the war. However, opposition members in Tajikistan do not view Russian influence as neutral. As a result of the political consequences, the Russian government began to further support the idea of ​​maintaining military operations in Tajikistan. The Russian military presence has gradually transformed the country into a “Russian protectorate” (Lena Jonson). There have also been calls for United Nations intervention. The United Nations Observer Mission in Tajikistan (UNMOT) was established in Dushanbe with military observers deployed to key regions of the country. The UN, the Russian military, and many international donor organizations began applying diplomatic pressure to encourage Tajikistan's new government to develop a national reconciliation program. Under the auspices of the UN, negotiations began between representatives of the government and the opposition. These negotiations eventually became known as the “inter-Tajik” talks. In December 1996, the leaders signed a ceasefire agreement. In June 1997, leaders signed a peace agreement setting a timetable for reduction of combat capabilities, reintegration and political reconciliation. The confidence-building measures were designed to gradually lead to the surrender of weapons by Tajikistan's difficult-to-regiment irregular militias. The 1997 peace agreement included provisions for the 2000 legislative elections and the subsequent dissolution of the National Reconciliation Council (NRC) as an important step in political reintegration. In June 2000, the United Nations Observer Mission in Tajikistan (UNMOT) withdrew from Tajikistan after a six-year stay. Post-Cold War Developments Like other Central Asian republics, Tajikistan joined the CIS, established in December 1991. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian troops were withdrawn from all Central Asian states except theTajikistan. Russian Presidents Dmitry Medvedev and Emomali Rakhmonov of Tajikistan agreed on August 29 to strengthen their cooperation in the fields of gas and hydropower, leading to the construction of the Sangtudinskaya and Rogunsky hydroelectric power plants. Russia also agreed to develop and explore natural gas deposits in Tajikistan. It was also agreed to strengthen bilateral cooperation in the military and military-technical fields. Russia maintained a military presence there in the form of the 201st Motorized Rifle Division and border troops. Russians also held important positions in the Dushanbe government itself. One of Russia's stated foreign policy goals was the protection of the Russian minority in Tajikistan. This issue was resolved by the conclusion of a dual citizenship agreement between the two countries in 1995. Before the dissolution of the Soviet Union in late 1991, Tajikistan did not have its own army. Administratively, the republic was part of the Turkestan Military District of the Soviet Union, which was abolished in June 1992. By the end of the Soviet era, the old military system had begun to collapse and the headlong flight has become common in Tajikistan. was a key part of Russia's continued military role in Tajikistan. In June 1992, former Soviet border guards stationed in Tajikistan came under direct Russian authority. The presidents of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Russia visited Dushanbe in July 2009 for bilateral and multilateral meetings to discuss future military cooperation between Tajikistan and Russia. Russia planned to export weapons to Tajikistan at market prices and was training Tajik military personnel on a commercial basis. Russia's economic influence in Tajikistan is felt most strongly through labor migration. Nearly a million of Tajikistan's 7 million residents work as migrant workers in Russia, sending more than $2.5 billion in remittances. Many Tajiks nevertheless remain in Russia in the hope of finding new work. Although Tajiks working in Russia are officially required to obtain a work permit, the fact that travel between the two countries is visa-free makes this requirement difficult to enforce. Russia continues to be Tajikistan's main external economic partner. From 2005 to 2009, Russia invested $971 million in Tajikistan. In 2008, it accounted for 75 percent of total foreign direct investment (FDI), or $325 million, 28 percent more than in 2007. According to the government of Tajikistan, in the first half of 2009, Russia invested 39 million dollars, more than any other country. . Russia's low investment compared to previous years is due to the global financial crisis. Nevertheless, Russia remains Tajikistan's largest trading partner, accounting for 24.7 percent of Tajikistan's total trade. Russia has also made major investments in energy, construction, mining, communications, transportation and other sectors. Challenges Ahead: The China Factor Russia saw the fallout from events in Afghanistan and Pakistan as the main threat. Russia is concerned about growing instability due to both extremists originating in the south and ongoing disputes over water, borders and other issues between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. In addition to regional skirmishes in Central Asia, China's increasingly assertive role sends strong signals to Moscow about China's growing influence in the region. Central Asia, as